PL7161 International Relations After the Cold War case Study

Introduction - PL7161 International Relations After the Cold War case Study

Francis Fukuyama in his essay in the National Interest of 1989 represents the ultimate stage in the evolutionary political process after the fall of communism at the end of the Cold War. According to him, liberal democracy is the most reasonable and genuinely global political regime; he celebrates the victory of Western political philosophy. However, the critics of Fukuyama argue that the return of the authoritarian regimes, as well as the existence of the other political example, have reduced the latter false. In this review, the prospects underlying Fukuyaman’s assertion will be analyze with positive and negative aspects as well as the views of current increase of illiberal governance.

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Discussion

Point 1: The Universality of Liberal Democracy

Fukuyama’s central thesis is that the world has reached the end of history and that liberal democracy is the final form of government. He argues that in a liberal democracy in which a free market economy human rights and fundamental freedoms are most predominant, for the highest human longing for liberty and acknowledgment (Kagan, 2022). Fukuyama subsumes this line of thinking under Hegelian philosophy only to conclude that history is the realization of reason leading to the creation of liberal democracy.

Critical Assessment:

Strength: Fukuyama bases his idea on the context of the early 1990s the year the Soviet Union began to disintegrate and liberal democracy was regarded as the next inevitable process. His predictions also seemed to have scholarly support when clearly there was the democratization of Eastern Europe and Latin America, along with the ascendancy of the U.S. as a unipolar power. The optimistic tone of the argument appeared to be endorsed by the event of the fall of communism in Central and Eastern Europe starting with the fall of the Wall in Berlin in 1989 (Francis Fukuyama et al. 1989). The concept that history is on the march toward producing a single global political character marked by democracy could be supported by the results of countries in the process of democratization, Poland, Czechoslovakia, and Hungary.

Weakness: However, such optimism has not been true according to Fukuyama's thesis since the 21st century has seen the rise of authoritarianism. For instance, this year China has emerged as one of the largest economies of the globe and has been doing so while operating a strict political system. Since Xi Jinping came to power, the CCP has entrenched its rule, rejected democracy in the Western understanding, and offered an authoritarian model of capitalist development (Francis Fukuyama et al. 1989). This success poses a question to Fukuyama’s assertion that the opening of an economy leads to the opening of politics. Furthermore, after the advent of Putin in Russia, political freedom has again been reduced and power has again become centralized.

Evidence: In the years that followed the scrupulous scholarly work of Fukuyama, democracy has been declining in Hungary and Poland among others, making the argument of this esteemed scholar ridiculous. Despite being countries that were hailed for successful post-Communist democratization the two countries are experiencing a democratic erosion with leaders such as Viktor Orban and Jaroslaw Kaczynski resorting to authoritarian tactics and reducing the independence of the judiciary while quelling opposition.

From the literature, Kagan et al. (2022) is a direct refutation of Fukuyama’s work. According to Huntington, the emerging post Cold War architecture would be a clash of civilizations. As per Huntington, the conflict based on civilizations like Western civilization confronting Islamic or Confucian civilization would dominate International relations preventing the worldwide spread of liberal democracy (Francis Fukuyama et al. 1989). This cultural perspective questions the Asia for Asia type of optimism that Fukuyama presented about the end of historical ideological contests and the triumph of liberal democracy as a configuration of political and social rules for governance of the world pointing to the existence and relevance of other competing cultural and ideological models.

Point 2: Economic Development and Democratic Transition

The opinion of Fukuyama whereby he pointed out that the economic development especially globalization of capitalism leads to political liberalization and democracy. He opines that, as countries become economically developed they are inclined to democratize, due to the increasing influence of middle class especially in terms of voicing its demand to be part of the political leadership instead of being govern. However, this review will analyses whether Fukuyama retains his vision is valid in present global political climate, especially with the emergence of authoritarianism and depending on the extent that democratization is driven by economic liberalization.

Critical Assessment:

Strength: This paper will endeavor to analyze the fact that argued by Fukuyama, level of economic development could enhance democracy (Fukuyama et al., 1989). In empirical evidence a relationship between economic development and the buildup of democratic instrumentalities is posit. The paper will further analyze whether economic development promotes democracy by evaluating the cases of South Korea, Taiwan, and other Southeast Asian countries many of which democratized after experiencing long phases of relatively high economic growth. This will be specifics and real information concerning the impacts of economic growth upon the issue of political liberalization.

Weakness: Fukuyama’s assertion that countries immersed in democracy as a result of economic development leaves out factors such as institutional development, culture, and leadership. The most obvious counterevidence to Fukuyama’s argument is China. China may be one of the world’s fastest-growing economies, but it is not a democracy. Rather, it has taken a model of authoritarianism in relationship to the capitalist (Francis Fukuyama et al. 1989). This is incongruent with Fukuyama's idea that the advance in economics will lead to the democratization of politics.

Evidence: This paper argues the Chinese case since the early 1980s, especially under the paramount leadership of Deng Xiaoping and his successors, demonstrates that economic advancement does not necessarily lead to political democratization. On the one hand, China’s government has cracked down on political liberties, speech, press, and the Internet, on the other hand, it has embraced free markets and global trade (Francis Fukuyama et al. 1989). Yet, growing economically richer, China is still an authoritarian regime, thus constituting a clear violation of Fukuyama’s idea about democratization in the process of development.

But the offers a broader vision of development, stating with an example that economic growth often leads to political oppression. Sen also has argued that development is not one-dimensional and has both economic as well as political liberties dimensions (Paul, 2021). It is somewhat a refined version of the dictation that democracy is fuel by wealth together with social, political, and even legal liberty and freedom stressing on the citizens, a perspective that makes Fukuyama’s claim non-linear.

Point 3: The Role of Human Nature and Recognition

There is hardly any questioning of Fukuyama’s claim that humans have the need for recognition, the need that is met best by liberal democracy. Hegelian historicism is at the root of his ideas, as the author believes that history is a process for people’s need for recognition and liberal democracy performs this function by acknowledging the people’s rights and freedoms.

Critical Assessment

Strength: Hegelian concepts of recognition Fukuyama explains why liberal democratic values appeal to people. One of the lines of reasoning that stipulates the need for adoration from others is recognition one needs especially when people recognize the importance of rights and free choice as the basis of democratic values (Francis Fukuyama et al. 1989). This is especially important in light of the principles of liberty, equality, and respect for the human person, which are the founding principles of liberal democracies of the modern world.

Weakness: The main enigma that Fukuyama overlooks is that other non-liberal democratic–political systems might also offer forms of recognition. For example, authoritarian regimes can build people’s national and international pride by appealing to nationalism, religion, or the state’s ideology (Ricardo 2021). It demonstrates that in such systems people gain recognition by obeying the state or through commitment to a particular community rather than individual entitlements.

Evidence: In the words of Anderson, the nationalist movements in countries like Russia and Turkey have risen to power politics by giving recognition to people. In Russia, Putin introduced the themes of national pride, and the reclaiming of the Russian superpower as major sources of recognition, wherein those themes have served as political mechanisms to garner support internally, as well as to justify autocratic rule (Francis Fukuyama et al. 1989). Similarly, modern Turkey with President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan has relied on Islam and nationalism as sources of recognition making Turkey a leading regional power country and calling on the patriotic feeling of the people. It implies these examples indicate that the spirit seeking recognition can be mobilized for the non-liberal form of government.

A crucial difference between negative freedom and liberty is the absence of interference and positive freedom is liberty (Turaev 2020). The Liberal Democracy theory presented by Berlin states that man may well achieve recognition by other means than liberal democracy (Francis Fukuyama et al. 1989). For example, the lust for recognition in terms of the state is well illustrated in autocratic regimes, this shows that human beings are not purely motivated by the liberal tickets as captured by Fukuyama.

Conclusion

This paper analyses Fukuyama’s arguments in the end of history with a focus on this argument that liberal democracy is the ultimate end of the historical process. It analyzes the difficulties arising from the ascent of authoritarian governments and the performance of non-democracy economies to insist on reconsidering his thesis in view of the contemporary propensities in world politics.

Reference List

Journal

• Kagan, R., 2022. The price of hegemony: Can America learn to use its power?. Foreign Aff., 101, p.10.https://www.ianfeinhandler.com/iaclub/articles/The%20Price%20of%20Hegemony.pdf
• Ricardo, R., 2021. Interstate Patronage and the Westphalian Narrative of International Politics. Academia Letters, (366).https://www.researchgate.net/profile/Rainer-Ricardo/publication/349534343_ACADEMIA_Letters_Interstate_Patronage_and_the_Westphalian_Narrative_of_International_Politics/links/60352d0092851c4ed590f127/ACADEMIA-Letters-Interstate-Patronage-and-the-Westphalian-Narrative-of-International-Politics.pdf
• Turaev, A., 2020. The ideology of neoconservatism in the classification of international relations. Результаты научных исследований в условиях пандемии (COVID-19), 1(04), pp.96-99.https://inlibrary.uz/index.php/scientific-research-covid-19/article/download/8346/8795
• Paul, T.V., 2021. Globalization, deglobalization and reglobalization: adapting liberal international order. International Affairs, 97(5), pp.1599-1620.https://www.researchgate.net/profile/Tv-Paul/publication/354412241_Globalization_deglobalization_and_reglobalization_adapting_liberal_international_order/links/631f8403873eca0c0080c664/Globalization-deglobalization-and-reglobalization-adapting-liberal-international-order.pdf
• Francis Fukuyama, The National Interest , Summer 1989, No. 16 (Summer 1989), pp. 3-18
• Published by: Center for the National Interest The End of History? on JSTOR

Author Bio

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