Gender Roles and Symbolism in Wartime Afghanistan Assignment Sample

Role of Gender in Afghan War Legitimation and Counterinsurgency

  • 54000+ Project Delivered
  • 500+ Experts 24x7 Online Help
  • No AI Generated Content
- +
35% Off
£ 6.69
Estimated Cost
£ 4.35
12 Pages 2998Words

Gendering The International Assignment Sample

Introduction of Gendered Dynamics of War Legitimation in Afghanistan

The concept of a turn such as the linguistic turn, constructivist turn and mostly recently the aesthetic turn indicates that a new set of issues emerges and the previous ones start to wane away. This paper is going to examine "the role of gendered language, images and symbols in the legitimation of war in Afghanistan". The main aim of this study is to assess whether gendered relations to authority contribute to sustaining and reproducing war as a social, political, and economic phenomenon in Afghanistan. The study will also demonstrate how policymakers or political leaders used brutality against women to justify the war. There is a space for the US military and they have a lot of freedom which Afghanistan does not, to wage a necessary war of self-defence the invasion of Afghanistan happened by the US forces led a force and executed such a terrible attack. Recognising this, the article is going to analyse the role of gender in understanding the practice of population-centric counterinsurgency in Afghanistan. The discourse in this paper consists not only of an explanation of the war being for women but critically needed a self-representation of keeping the ability to rescue.

Navigate through New Assignment Help's comprehensive offerings provided by a dedicated UK-based team.

Discussion of Gendered Dynamics in Afghan War Legitimation

Afghanistan's invasion in 2001 was avoided, and what came next was a clear picture of the potential of Afghan women. Since women are now free, the attack was planned as a demonstration of feminism's independence through war. Because of the significance of this gendered disclosure and the extent to which it did so (Dyvik, 2014). The close-quarters manoeuvring of women and children infantilizes Afghan women by robbing them of their adulthood and agency and leaving them with nothing but pity and a particular voyeuristic attraction. In Afghanistan, Afghan National Security forces (ANSF) contribute a major role in policy-making or in training whether in community meetings and shuras with the help of NATO and US forces. Any war mostly consists of masculinity and feminity to work with partners to establish particular narratives, practices and justifications of the war to demand a exercise which are corollary of virility. In Afghanistan, women were always subjected to matters of concern as well as during the rule of the Taliban regime. Although the U.S. government undoubtedly made use of structural violence against epistemic violence accomplished to Afghan women by self-same structural violence. As has been argued in this essay, in order to challenge political disclosures, elided women of Afghan always are being agency as subjects. Against the Islamic women in U.S. also accurately presents terror designed relating their social status and preserves the agency of Afghan women. The continuously rapid changing nature of military masculinity” and the rapid rise of Female Engagement Teams (FETs) for deployment and rely on women's bodies for success in the narrative of this war. It is evaluated that the interaction of FETs and Afghan women is the main political all which lead to the project of counterinsurgency. "The insecurity of Afghan women, discursive and material, also reflects and inflects some rather long-running theoretical debateswithin feminism". The quest for gender security must be needed therefore in more diverse ways, which help in western disclosure about third-world women in the conditions of material harm. The insecurity of the Afghan women lay the foundation of the middle ground and that helped in the array of floating which is the danger of material conditions for the post-cold war world. The case of the U.S. allotment of “Afghan women and the burqa indicates the unsustainability” of these conjectural divides (Ayotte and Husain, 2005).. Arguments over how race and category are expressed in feminist politics, for instance, have separated a number of organisations and activities over the years, much like visionary arguments over discrepancy and essentialism have split feminist highbrows. Postcolonial feminism has played a major role in how "third-world women" are portrayed in feminist sermons in the West.Arguments over how race and category are expressed in feminist politics, for instance, have separated a number of organisations and activities over the years, much like visionary arguments over discrepancy and essentialism have split feminist highbrows. Postcolonial feminism has played a major role in how "third-world women" are portrayed in feminist sermons in the West.

In need of "saving", Afghanistan is considered as gendered slaves in the construction of violent knowledge and that mitigating epistemic violence as subjects in international relationships. While the structural and physical violence imposed upon women must stay a central component of criticism and feminist theory, which demonstrates homogenisation, and appropriation of women's voices that is along with resources operation. This essay argues theoretical synthesis more to the reported sense of Afghanistan with both feminism as well as feminist international relations to lay the foundation of greater security (Ayotte and Husain, 2005). The wandering links between Afghanistan and Al Qaida support attacks and do not believe in a feeling of peace throughout the world affording them only pity and certain attraction. In Afghanistan, women were always subjected to matters of concern as well as during the rule of the Taliban regime. Although the U.S. government undoubtedly made use of structural violence against epistemic violence accomplished to Afghan women by self-same structural violence. Against the Islamic women in U.S. also accurately presents terror designed relating their social status and preserves the agency of Afghan women. There are problematic gendered and complex machinists who consist in the work as well and that becomes doable and thinkable to an extent inevitable. Simultaneously, through their association of disempowered and brutality, Afghanistan is dehumanised through their association and that provides an opportunity for the policymakers to bomb the country as a punishment and attributed to Al Qaida (Shepherd, 2006). The nation under attack is the dominant representation of particular disclosures in a way and is considered the greatest force for troops and other good in the world. In the attacks on Afghanistan, some effective policies were used by the USA against the women to justify the war and being represented as the brightest beacon for suggesting both power and values in terms of political and military strengths. During the period after 9/11, some ways created tension within construction regarding discursive and economic resources that were used as a critical tool that was seamless at the time. However, many political actors attempt to reframe women right's as well, where separation of criticism of words as many feminists have done due to the coalition behind this rhetoric as feminist (Ferguson, 2005). Vilifying the burqa, such representations offer no possibility for women to choose to wear it out of personal preference or cultural tradition. The infliction of violence against women’s bodies, in the form of assault, rape, and murder, is clearly the most visible manifestation of misogyny. While U.S. expressions of concern for the well-being of Afghan women were indeed valuable for raising the profile of efforts to address the conditions for women in Afghanistan, we must turn a critical eye toward the appropriation of feminism to justify U.S. military intervention. The U.S. government as well as the media utilise maltreatment of women and their exotic form of attire and gender oppression under the Taliban became an intervention to demolish the dictatorial regime. The determination of terrorist misogyny and led hijacker in the world were of like minds and seems to have more to do with analytical perspicuity (Ayotte and Husain, 2005). The failure of military intervention also brings some security for all women of Afghanistan and leads to suicide by their side which follows from the realist emphasis on the state of security.  Feminist criticisms of the Bush Administration distinguish its feminized security rhetoric that claims to support the rights of women in countries like Afghanistan, Iraq and Iran and undermines tough-won gains for all women. In this way, the Bush administration plays a centric role in developing a political theory that concerns redeploying women’s rights and that help the nation to achieve its aim successfully.

Often in times of conflict, situation women of Afghanistan were fighting for their rights against gender oppression and alternative models of cultural representation and that creates barriers for all the women who lived in this country. Some theorists argued that femininity and masculinity should not be conceptualized in a country as single logic and their relations with one another need to consider in different ways. In the male domination model, it is important for this gender to enforce the execution and configure their superiority at another level (Young, 2003). In this logic, the description of the gendered logic in relation to children and women enlightens the effective appeal and particular meaning of security. It allows the leaders to get aware of all the citizens especially women to hold a subordinate status and accept a more paternalistic and authoritarian power and are grateful for protection at the time of war. At the same time, such logic of preservation also explains aggressive war and for elaborating, the logic of protection to states the citizens internally.

"International Security Assistance Force (ISAF)" and US Army both had FET, where the teams were under-trained but accelerated highly, and a total of forty women started out by training every single one of them. A new military of Afghan is charged with securing the country when the NATO and U.S. combat forces in the year 2014 and numerous military masculinities rely on counterinsurgency, disclosure of Female Engagement Teams (FETs) and cultural diversity. The violations of human dignity in Afghanistan completely inflicted upon men rather than women and allowed them to follow U.S.A disclosures about the oppression of women in Afghanistan. The burqa provided an effective cover for smuggling books and supplies to a network of underground schools, cameras for documenting Taliban abuses, and women fleeing persecution. The consequences of such analytical reductionism are not merely theoretical; the homogenization of Muslim covering practices partakes in exactly the paternalistic logic that underlies the neocolonial politics of U.S. efforts to liberate Afghan women according to an explicitly Western model of liberal feminism. While the Taliban’s enforcement of the burqa and the punishments for noncompliance were clearly destructive of Afghan women’s agency, the phrasing of the above excerpts makes clear that it is the burqa itself that is to be considered sub-human. In order to increase confidence and support for ISAF with the stated person to implement the Feaml Directive, this limits all women serving in the armed forces (Dyvik, 2014). More significantly, the Taliban and Al Qaida's sexist warriors were directly perceived as this new female soldier brand in Afghanistan's gender-segregated culture as a matter of greater governance. There have been several continuous debates as well by policymakers on this topic that has aided the cultural turn of the US army in this country and brought new interest in cultural knowledge which impacts both challenges and argues the centre of gravity posed by the conflicts in Afghanistan and Iraq. In order to understand the third gender navigating the third gender plays an important role in exposing the sex-gender binary and kind of initiation for understanding that there are no original in this regard. However, in Afghanistan women is widely seen as an old body that inevitably informed a blurred version of either female or male in the military. It has been also well-established that all women in Afghanistan have been beaten only for accidentally allowing an inch of skin dramatisation with the imposition of a burqa. Perpetuating this problematic cultural knowledge and landscape deemed an important success in Afghanistan, and has been utilised well in order to enrich the knowledge of certain areas regarding the academic role. Female soldiers depict that they are much more than just a soldier and using the highly publicised story, they are not considered as weak in femininity and are limited more than US commanders (Laura and Gentry, 2020). In other words, resentful from the commanders as well as the news media, male armymen fear either for their security and safety or to handle all the physical strain.

The insecurity of Afghan women cannot be reduced as the danger to the purported essence and entrench certain forms of epistemic that slip all those as a singular monolithic subject. The meaning of oppression is definitely not much intrinsic to covering practices regarding Islamic women and means of expressing the agency that has been elided by the initiation of women. The country rip-off of the burqa after this attack is reminiscent of reports of women in colonial settlements, and colonial discourse and provides pleasing analogues for the current analysis (Ayotte and Husain, 2005). However, the local public in the U.S. increased numbers, follow the narrative over time after the initial associations, and remained apparently satisfied. The narrative of thought-provoking and stayed attentive at the time Afghanistan was invaded by the US lead army and the narrative was used to make politically motivated sense which continues to involve the violence aimed at all civilians, more especially women (Rygiel and Hunt, 2016). Interrogation of desires and violence are completely distinct which catalogues activities narrative of the war of 9/11 and sustained theoretical discussion to close relationships of violence. gender, race and power. This identity draws upon targeting and interpretation of politics and particular focus as an Islamic fundamentalist (Nayak, 2006). In this way, this masculinity was affirmed in the speeches and supported to the understanding of the organisation of the Ordinary Decent Citizen of the US and successfully claimed highly traditional narratives of gender. The issue of the burqa or veil in evaluating this image dropped over in Afghanistan and was closely related to the image and that was Unsustainable and central to this overall construction. In this way, it can be said that the leadership of Al Qaeda has a high impact on the invasion of Afghanistan and supported the weak state in opposition of the USA.


The constructions of the enemy abroad the nation in which most dissent is manifested and being evoked and fused to the nation. Gendering this analysis is particularly important for offering alternatives to gender assumptions and a better understanding of the political processes. In conclusion, it can be said that the “gendering of counterinsurgency” demonstrates how women are significant in both history and the conduct of war through a number of complex interactions. Gendering counterinsurgency affirms how population-centric practice can be easily captured within a gendered dynamic of caring, killing, and reliant on albeit intervened as well as physical violence through armed social work. It can be said that feminist analysis brings better functioning machinery and subject regarding counterinsurgency. Since, local women rise to the strong influence and a series of complex relationships also showed that FETs should not be derived as feminist awakening. As a whole, therefore, refashioning has created c new specific forms of power dominance and variously manipulated in forms of all the military objectives based on symbols in the legitimating. The utilisation of local engagement and security-like principles enlightened self-interest and the particular gender liberated into US forces and benefited to overall society. The context also described that harsh imposition of Taliban forced burqa mandatory for all the women inflicted upon women and often meet the public violence of the war and such symbolism is easy to understand the invasion of Afghanistan by US-led forces. 



Rygiel, K. and Hunt, K., 2016. (En) gendering the war on terror: War stories and camouflaged politics. Routledge.


Ayotte, K.J. and Husain, M.E., 2005. Securing Afghan women: Neocolonialism, epistemic violence, and the rhetoric of the veil. NWSA journal, pp.112-133.

Dyvik, S.L., 2014. Women as ‘Practitioners’ and ‘Targets’ Gender and Counterinsurgency in Afghanistan. International Feminist Journal of Politics16(3), pp.410-429.

Ferguson, M.L., 2005. “W” stands for women: Feminism and security rhetoric in the post-9/11 Bush administration. Politics & Gender1(1), pp.9-38.

Nayak, M., 2006. Orientalism and ‘saving’US state identity after 9/11. International Feminist Journal of Politics8(1), pp.42-61.

Shepherd, L.J., 2006. Veiled references: Constructions of gender in the Bush administration discourse on the attacks on Afghanistan post-9/11. International Feminist Journal of Politics8(1), pp.19-41.

Young, I.M., 2003. The logic of masculinist protection: Reflections on the current security state. Signs: journal of women in culture and society29(1), pp.1-25.,896142,en.pdf


35% OFF
Get best price for your work
  • 54000+ Project Delivered
  • 500+ Experts 24*7 Online Help

offer valid for limited time only*